Is the rejection of Estrada racial discrimination?

Stuart Buck argues that the Democrat’s rejection of Estrada is probably an example of racial discrimination, under the legal standards used by the federal goverment (if federal anti-discrimination law applied to judicial nominees, which it does not).

This issue initially came up in a post by Jane Galt. Since Jane’s initial post, other bloggers have pointed out that the overwhelming majority of Bush’s non-white judicial nominees have not been blocked by Democrats in the Senate (see these posts by Ted Barlow, Dwight Meredith, and Nathan Newman).

Stuart responds:

But if we are talking about the requirements of federal anti-discrimination law, the critics’ point would be valid only if Estrada were raising either a “disparate impact” claim or a so-called “pattern or practice” claim. In some cases, the plaintiff attempts to prove a “pattern or practice” of discrimination by showing that the employer systematically hires fewer people of one race. […] But disparate impact and “pattern or practice” claims aren’t the only types of discrimination claims. Any individual who thinks that he or she was treated differently on account of race can sue for that individual instance of discrimination. And in such lawsuits, the employer cannot get the case dismissed simply by pointing to other racial minorities who haven’t been mistreated.

In order to make his case, Stuart must show that every reason Democrats gave to reject Estrada were pretexts, and thus possibly covering up racial discrimination.

For instance, Stuart writes:

Another reason offered by some Democrats was that Estrada wasn’t forthcoming enough in answering questions from Senators during his confirmation hearing. (This claim was made by Leahy in his press releases on February 22, March 6, and September 15; by Kennedy in his floor statement from March 4, and by Daschle in his press releases of February 5 and May 13.) Estrada’s answers to certain questions were somewhat evasive, but on the other hand, Estrada offered to answer more questions from Senators, and few Democratic Senators took him up on the offer. Given their refusal to ask further questions, their claim that he wasn’t forthcoming enough seems to be pretextual.

What wonderful sophistry! Stuart is to be congratulated on his chuzpah, although not on his logic. To understand why Stuart’s argument is nonsense, consider this dialog between me and a job applicant:

AMP: So, Ms. Applicant, would you be available to work weekends?

APPLICANT: I have not considered that question, so I cannot answer it at this time..

AMP: I’m sorry, I really need to know if you can work weekends.

APPLICANT: It’s not appropriate for me to say.

AMP: It’s not?

APPLICANT: But I’m willing to meet one-on-one with you to answer appropriate questions.

AMP: But will you tell me if you’ll work weekends?

APPLICANT: As I said, I’m willing to meet one-on-one with you to answer appropriate questions.

What would happen if I decided not to hire Ms. Applicant, on the grounds that she was evading answering my questions? Any normal person – or court – would think I had acted appropriately. Yet according to Stuart, I’ve probably committed sex discrimination against Ms. Applicant, since by Stuart’s standards, she has been perfectly forthcoming to me.

Bottom line: Estrada flat-out refused to answer questions that the Democrats considered relevant. That he offered to answer different questions from those the Democrats asked is irrelevant. And for Stuart to pretend that offering to answer different questions magically means Estrada was being forthcoming is ridiculous.

So at least one reason the Democrats gave for rejecting Estrada has not been shown to be pretextual.

More from Stuart Buck:

The reason most often put forward by Democrats was that Estrada failed to turn over confidential memoes that he wrote when he worked for the Solicitor General’s office under the Clinton administration. (See Pat Leahy’s press releases from March 18 and May 5, Kennedy’s floor statement from March 4, and Daschle’s press release of February 5.) But Democrats did not demand the identical memoes that John Roberts wrote when he worked for the Solicitor General’s office. So that reason appears to be utterly pretextual.

This would only be true if John Roberts and Estrada were identical candidates (aside from race). But there is at least one substantive difference between the two candidates – Roberts did not evade answering questions to anywhere near the same degree. The Senate Democrats thus had a non-pretextual reason to ask for Estrada’s memos but not Roberts’ – given Estrada’s refusal to answer questions in a forthcoming manner, the Democrats had to seek alternative ways of judging Estrada’s views. (Some Democrats stated this explicitly: “Because Mr. Estrada has – arguably – the thinnest record of anyone ever to be nominated for a circuit court judgeship, and because he declined to answer so many basic questions – the committee asked for him to provide the legal memoranda he wrote while serving at the Department of Justice.” – Tom Daschle). Because Roberts was apparently more forthcoming (or maybe he had a fatter record), there was no need to ask for memos in his case.

Finally, Stuart ignores a major non-pretextual reason Democrats rejected Estrada. Rightly or wrongly, many Democrats believe that “the White House and the Republican Congress have adopted a steamroller strategy to carry out their court-packing plan to stack as many of the federal courts as possible with right-wing judges who will roll back basic rights…” (That was Senator Kennedy). Similarly, Senator Leahy worries that the Republicans are “seeking to pack our courts with ideologues,” and contrasts Estrada’s case to the more “mainstream” Judge Prado, whose nomination proceeded with relative ease. Even President Bush said that “they’re blocking the vote on this good man [Estrada] for purely political reasons.”

If the Democrats in good faith believe that Estrada is, or (in light of his refusal to answer questions, might be) a non-mainstream, far-right ideologue – and in fact treat Estrada no differently than white nominees who are (allegedly) far-right ideologues, such as Charles Pickering – then that would be a non-pretextual, non-racial reason for Democrats to reject Estrada but not John Roberts.

All links via Stuart Buck, except for Stuart’s own link, which was via Crescat Sententia..

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3 Responses to Is the rejection of Estrada racial discrimination?

  1. JRC says:

    Nice takedown, Amp.

    I can’t help but feel that the Republicans who are pushing this angle have the foresight of mayflies. . .surely they realize that when President Dean (or whoever) nominates a passle of far-left minorities for the federal bench, their opposition will be much easier to paint as racially motivated, using their own words even.

    —JRC

  2. peter jung says:

    I’m not even sure that ShrubCo Inc. expects to get all that many of their far-right nominees actually seated on the bench. Putting ultraconservative judicial candidates up for consideration just might be an exercise in the care, feeding, and pacification of their wingnut base. Even if the Senate Democrats manage to filibuster and derail the nominations, Bush scores points with the Cro-Magnon segment of his constituency.

  3. John Isbell says:

    I am afraid I refuse to tell you whether I slept with your wife, but I would be delighted to tell you what I had for breakfast.
    What do you mean, I won’t answer your questions?

Comments are closed.