The Estrada filibuster, round two

Stuart Buck responds to my previous post on Estrada, arguing that there are no non-pretextual reasons for the Democrats to have filibustered Estrada but not John Roberts. Stuart definitely gets some good shots in.

We could argue these questions back and forth – Roberts’ questioning, which some of Stuart’s links imply was easy, was in fact a fairly blistering three-hour session, and furthermore it was the second time Roberts had been questioned – but lacking full transcripts, I don’t think there’s anywhere for the argument to go, on either side. Certainly, Stuart has completely failed to provide any convincing evidence that Roberts was overall as evasive as Estrada. (There seems to be no doubt that both of them were evasive, but that doesn’t establish that Estrada was not even worse than Roberts).

However, one of Stuart’s links brings up a new issue – one that I hadn’t been aware of in my previous post. From the Feminist Majority Foundation website (emphasis added by me):

Roberts was already approved by the judiciary committee in February. However, Senate Democrats asked that he be brought back for an additional hearing because his February hearing was held along with Jeffrey Sutton and Deborah Cook. Senate Republicans agreed to the second hearing if the Senate Democratic leadership agreed not to filibuster the Roberts nomination when it comes to the floor for a full vote – expected sometime next week.

Orrin Hatch confirms the existence of this “no filibuster” deal:

However, pursuant to an agreement between the Republican and Democratic Senate leadership, I have asked Mr. Roberts to return for this hearing with the clear understanding that his nomination will move to the Senate floor for an up or down vote without undue delay.

In other words, the Republicans only allowed Roberts to be questioned in exchange for a promise that he not be filibustered. No such deal could have been made for Estrada, because the Republicans were not threatening to refuse to have Estrada appear for a hearing.

(Why didn’t the Republicans make an identical effort to help Estrada – for instance, by having him initially appear in an obstructionist question-many-judges-at-once format, as they did with Roberts? That’s beyond the scope of this post to answer – but it’s important to note that this was a choice made by Republican leadership. It would be unreasonable to accuse Democrats of discriminating against Estrada because Republicans freely chose to make different efforts on Estrada’s behalf than they did on Roberts’ behalf.)

To make his case, Stuart has to show that Estrada and Roberts were in comparable circumstances; the fact that the two sides struck a “no filibuster or no questioning” deal before Roberts was questioned, however, makes Estrada’s and Roberts’ circumstances completely incomparable. The existence of a pre-existing “no filibuster” deal is a very strong, non-pretextual reason for Roberts to escape the filibuster, while Estrada did not..

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3 Responses to The Estrada filibuster, round two

  1. Linkmeister says:

    How does “moving to the floor for an up or down vote” preclude a filibuster? They’ve been bringing up Pickering for up or down votes for a while, and they did the same with Estrada. Seems like faulty logic on someone’s part here.

  2. Ampersand says:

    A filibuster precludes an up or down vote; that’s what a filibuster is, it’s an action that prevents (or at least delays) an up or down vote.

    When Hatch wrote that there was an agreement for an up or down vote without delay, that means that the agreement was no filibuster.

  3. Prometheus 6 says:

    I wrote an article about Justice Brown for Open Source Politics.

    You have GOT to check the comments for a discussion I’m having with someone with the handle “pathos.”

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