More "Backlash" Fun

Gah! I just lost a major post on race and Prop 8, which I am not gong to reconstruct now. Maybe tomorrow. Maybe never.

However, I did find a couple of other things that look interesting. First, Scott Lemieux does a nice dissection of Jeffrey Rosen’s “backlash” argument. It’s the same ridiculous argument, just different details. Take a look. (Why are these silly tropes always advanced by people who claim to be “sympathetic”? That’s almost as good as David Blankenhorn claiming to be a liberal Democrat.)

Lemieux also does a number on Megan McArdle. McArdle’s core argument echoes Rosen’s, which echoes all the “sympathetic” right-wingers who think we should wait for Daddy to give us a present.

Using the courts to establish a right to gay marriage made opponents feel threatened, and railroaded. If socially conservative voters hadn’t felt they needed to protect themselves from activist judges, we wouldn’t be seeing these provisions written into state constitutions. Few of them would probably have bothered to vote out legislators who voted for gay marriage five years from now. But with it on the ballot, in front of them, and worries that judges would make the decision unless they did, they shot it down even in California.

What Lemieux doesn’t call these two on is one simple fact: Going into this campaign, a majority of Californians supported the Court’s decision. Why don’t we deal with some reality here, because otherwise an event like this gets translated in the right-wing mind as a widespread backlash, and, lo and behold, it’s all our fault because we stood up for our rights (which is an attitude that has infected the gay left to an appalling degree). Crap. It was the result of a deliberate, well-funded campaign of lies and scare tactics by groups who want to impose their religious beliefs on the country at large. Frankly, the results of this election seem to me much more to signal the death of the right-wing culture warrriors. In eight years, the anti-gay cartel lost nearly 10% of the vote.

McArdle makes another statement that Lemieux doesn’t call her on, and he should have:

In general, courts are the wrong place to press these sorts of claims. The courts were appropriate for civil rights because blacks were literally denied the right to participate in the legislative democratic process.

Point one: This is a civil rights issue. The participation in the legislative democratic process is an iffy point: yeah, we can vote, but we’re a minority. (I get really tired of having to point out basic civics lessons to the right-wing “intelligentsia.” Constitutional guarantees of civil rights are not subject to the whim of the people. That’s why the Dobson Gang is so hot to amend constitutions. And that’s why in any state with brains, constitutions are hard to amend. Duh.) And as we can see from the recent results of the “legislative democratic process” on this very issue in California and New York, that process can be stymied quite easily by one person. (Let me also point out that it took 30 years to pass a gay-inclusive civil rights bill in Illinois because the Republican Senate leadership kept it bottled up in committee. For thirty years. Talk to me about the “legislative democratic process,” Megan.)

What we’re seeing from McArdle is a minor variation on the “wait for the old white straight men to give it to you.” She and Rosen (and how many others on the right) are advocating a strategy that seems more than anything else to be designed to yield no results at all. But then, conservatives are not about change.

What’s worrisome about this is the degree to which the rabid right’s “activist judges” mantra has worked its way into the dialogue, to the extent that even the left wing now assumes that a judicial decision such as this has “imposed” something on someone. I suppose there’s not much help for it, except to object to it loudly whenever you see it, because people tend to be sloppy about their use of language, which plays into the culture warriors’ hands — witness their sliding definitions of “theory” when discussing evolution — or for that matter, their shifting “definitions” of marriage. The outcry is always about “creating new rights,” when in fact, it is the opponents of change who are creating new rights. (I discussed this, I believe, in my deconstruction of Rod Dreher’s essay a day or two ago — they’re absolutely correct, there is no “right to gay marriage” except as they’ve created it as a straw man. The right is “marriage.” It is being withheld from a class of citizens without adequate reason. I still insist that is the only valid framing.)

Well, that’s today’s profound little post. McArdle is such an easy target.

[Reprinted from Hunter at Random. Originally published November 8, 2008.]

This entry was posted in Same-Sex Marriage. Bookmark the permalink.

4 Responses to More "Backlash" Fun

  1. PG says:

    People like Megan McArdle give me a perverse appreciation of my Republican friend who will state openly that he thinks Loving v. Virginia and Brown v. Board were not grounded in the Constitution because the text of the Constitution does not require the government to be color-blind. Sure, I think he’s crazy, but at least he’s consistently crazy. McArdle, on the other hand, doesn’t even bother explaining why it’s OK for the government to discriminate on the basis of sex by prohibiting same-sex marriage, but it wasn’t OK for the government to discriminate on the basis of race by prohibiting interracial marriage. Nor will she, I bet — explaining the inconsistency between her beliefs and reality isn’t her forte.

    Also, as someone who grew up in the South, I am really freaking sick of this claim:

    And on a practical level, they worked becaus a majority of people in the country were more than happy to force civil rights on an unhappy white southern minority.

    It was Brown v. Board of Education of TOPEKA KANSAS. Schools were segregated outside the old Confederacy; they were segregated in Delaware and in Washington, D.C. itself (the DC segregation being under Congress’s direction).

    Miscegenation laws were even more widespread: in 1947, 30 states banned the intermarriage of blacks and whites (and in some states, the intermarriage of whites with other races as well); 18 allowed it (this was before Alaska and Hawaii were states). This included such “southern” states as Oregon, Montana, North Dakota, Indiana — and California. The interference of California’s Supreme Court in the state’s marriage laws in 1948 was the first blow struck against anti-miscegenation laws. By the time of the Loving decision, the map had flipped and interracial marriage was banned in 17 states, legal in 33.

    De jure racism was not just a southern problem. It was an American problem. And the McArdles of 1948 set up the same wail when the CA Supreme Court decided Perez v. Sharpe — “courts are the wrong place to press these sorts of claims.”

    If the only problem was that blacks weren’t being allowed to participate in elections, then the only part of the civil rights movement that was necessary was not Brown, or Loving, or any other non-voting-rights decision. Black people just needed the federal government to protect them from poll taxes, literacy tests and intimidation by their own state governments. We passed a Constitutional amendment to bar the poll tax, and Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (which Republicans grumble about every time it’s up for renewal), so why did the courts need to get involved here at all?

  2. PG says:

    Also, can I just say that EqualityUtah is completely freaking awesome!

    Equality Utah, said statements made by Mormon leaders in defense of their actions in California — that the church was not antigay and had no problem with legal protections for gay men and lesbians already on the books in California — were going to be taken as an endorsement to expand legal rights that gay and lesbian couples have never remotely had in Utah, where the church is based.

    “We are taking the L.D.S. Church at its word,” said Stephanie Pappas, Equality Utah’s chairwoman.

    Yeah!

  3. Jake Squid says:

    … explaining the inconsistency between her [McArdle] beliefs and reality isn’t her forte.

    Actually, explaining the inconsistency between her beliefs and her beliefs isn’t McArdle’s forte. I’d go so far as to say that explaining anything, with any detectable amount of consistency and/or logic, isn’t McArdle’s forte.

    Other than that, I can’t agree with your comment more. I’d add that there was a desegregation case in Yonkers, NY (just outside of NYC) filed in 1980 that was resolved only last year.

  4. Another Rachel says:

    P.G., boy howdy, that’s fantastic. Perhaps a donation to Equality Utah in honor of LDS talking heads Scott Eckern and Mike Otterson is in order.

Comments are closed.