Treating Porn Like Every Other Media

On Z Magazine’s website, Gail Dines and Robert Jensen are criticizing the left’s attitude towards pornography:

Pornography is fantasy, of a sort. Just as television cop shows that assert the inherent nobility of police and prosecutors as protectors of the people are fantasy. Just as the Horatio Alger stories about hard work’s rewards in capitalism are fantasy. Just as films that cast Arabs only as terrorists are fantasy.

All those media products are critiqued by leftists precisely because the fantasy world they create is a distortion of the actual world in which we live. Police and prosecutors do sometimes seek justice, but they also enforce the rule of the powerful. Individuals in capitalism do sometimes prosper as a result of their hard work, but the system does not provide everyone who works hard with a decent living. Some tiny number of Arabs are terrorists, but that obscures both the terrorism of the powerful in white America and the humanity of the vast majority of Arabs.

Such fantasies also reflect how those in power want subordinated people to feel. Images of happy blacks on the plantations made whites feels more secure and self-righteous in their oppression of slaves. Images of contented workers allay capitalists’ fears of revolution. And men deal with their complex feelings about contemporary masculinity’s toxic mix of sex and aggression by seeking images of women who enjoy pain and humiliation.

I think they make a good point. Partly, perhaps, as a result of the polarization caused by the “porn wars” in the 1980s, and the desire to avoid even a hint of censorship, lefty defenses of porn sometimes seem more knee-jerk than thoughtful. But you don’t have to endorse censorship to critique the sexism, misogyny and racism found in a lot of porn.

Where Dines and Jensen fall down, in my opinion, is in not providing a working definition of what pornography means. The truth is, porn – like “partial birth abortion” – is one of those terms that is used so loosely, it has become impossible to be sure what any particular author means unless they explicitly define their terms.

For myself, I think “pornography” is any media produced with the intention of being used as a masturbatory aid by the audience. But my definition of porn includes material that contains no violence and is not degrading in any obvious way (for example, Colleen Coover’s comic Small Favors), while Dines and Jensen’s analysis doesn’t even seem to acknowledge that there could be such a thing as non-degrading, non-violent pornography. Does this mean that they see all sexually explicit materials – even something like Small Favors – as degrading and implicitly violent? Or are they not counting such material as “pornography” at all?

Two cover-my-behind points. First of all, I’m not denying that there’s a lot of porn out there that is disgustingly violent, and disgustingly misogynistic. Just clearing out my spam makes it clear to me that porn makers believe they can generate a lot of business by appealing to misogyny: “come see this bitch get nailed!” is if anything a mild example of the misogynistic language typical of much porn advertising. Assuming that market incentives work, the high prevalence of this sort of advertising indicates that there is considerable profit for porn producers who make direct appeals to woman-hatred. And there seems to be a similar, although perhaps slightly smaller, market for overtly racist porn.

Secondly, just because a piece of porn is not overtly misogynist or overtly degrading, doesn’t place it beyond feminist criticism. For instance, a lot of porn (such as Playboy-style naked posing) endorses not only very traditional ideas of what is or isn’t attractive, but also implicitly endorses the idea that sexuality is something possessed by women, which men must pry out of women. To me these ideas are problematic; they support a narrow and limiting idea of sexuality, which I think is harmful to society. However, this isn’t a problem with porn qua porn; the same harmful ideas I dislike in even “non-violent” porn, are also found in abundance in non-porn media like “women’s magazines,” “men’s magazines” and popular sit-coms. So although I think this is a legitimate critique of a lot of porn, it doesn’t make sense to single out porn in general for this critique, since these flaws are evident in virtually all of pop culture.

Regardless of what definition of porn Dines and Jensen are using, or if they’re overlooking the existence of non-degrading porn, it’s clear that their critique is applicable to a lot of the porn out there – and that there’s no reason that leftists should give racist and misogynistic porn a pass, when we don’t give racism and misogyny in non-porn media a pass.

UPDATE: Tiffany at blackfeminism.org weighs in, and also discusses “the virgin-victim-whore trichotomy.”

Posted in Sex work, porn, etc | 113 Comments

Goodbye to one of the Greats: Constance Baker Motley, 1921-2005

If you don’t read any other post today, go and read this remembrance of Judge Constance Baker Motley, written by one of her former clerks.

Judge Motley, among many other accomplishments, was the first Black woman to be accepted at Columbia University Law School; the only woman on the legal team that won Brown v. Board of Education; the first Black woman elected to the New York State Senate; and the first Black woman to serve as a federal judge.

Posted in Feminism, sexism, etc, Race, racism and related issues | 1 Comment

Recalling The End Of Welfare As We Know It

A good article in the New York Review of Books reviews the book American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids, and a Nation’s Drive to End Welfare by Jason Deparle.

As the article points out, the existing welfare system during Clinton – Aid for Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) – was severely flawed, and had earned its widespread unpopularity:

Many liberals felt betrayed by Clinton’s decision to sign the welfare reform bill and blamed public hostility to AFDC on racism, which was certainly a factor. About two fifths of AFDC recipients were black, and the proportion was much higher in the large metropolitan areas, where the most influential newspapers and TV networks are located. Nonetheless, racism was not the only reason for the program’s unpopularity.

AFDC was at odds with three widely shared American views. First, instead of encouraging unmarried couples to marry if they conceived a child, it seemed to be rewarding them for not marrying, because marriage usually made couples ineligible for AFDC payments. Second, instead of encouraging recipients to work, AFDC reduced their benefits by about seventy cents for every dollar they earned. As a result, an unskilled mother who had to pay for child care if she worked was usually better off staying home. Third, AFDC seldom paid recipients enough to cover even the most basic expenses. As a result, most mothers supplemented their benefits by working “off the books” and getting money under the table from boyfriends or relatives. A program that encouraged unwed motherhood, idleness, and dishonesty was bound to be unpopular, even in places where all the recipients were white.

During the Clinton administration, “welfare reform” was implimented to the despair of liberals and the relief of conservatives. Both camp’s expectations were overblown, however:

After spending eight years observing the effects of welfare reform, DeParle concludes that it moved a good many single mothers off the welfare rolls but that nearly all are still struggling to live on meager incomes. Every study I have seen supports that view.

In retrospect, it looks as if both the proponents and opponents of welfare reform overestimated its likely impact. Daniel Patrick Moynihan warned that abolishing AFDC would lead to large numbers of children “sleeping on grates,” and many other liberals made similar prophecies. Nothing like that has happened. If anything, material hardship among single mothers and their children has fallen slightly. Those who supported welfare reform also seem to have overestimated its benefits. More single mothers have entered the labor force, but because most mothers were already working the increase was hardly a social revolution. Thus far there is little evidence that making more mothers work has had much effect either way on children. Nor has it saved money, at least so far.

Deparle’s book also includes in-depth profiles of three mothers and how they deal with welfare reform.

From Deparle’s book:

So how had the new law changed [Angie’s] life? Had ending welfare worked? While I had posed versions of the question before, they never seemed to grab her, and I was starting to understand why. On welfare, Angie was a low-income single mother, raising her children in a dangerous neighborhood in a household roiled by chaos. She couldn’t pay the bills. She drank lots of beer. And her kids needed a father. Off welfare, she was a low-income single mother, raising her children in a dangerous neighborhood in a household roiled by chaos. She couldn’t pay the bills. She drank lots of beer. And her kids needed a father. “We’re surviving!” is all Angie said. “‘Cause that’s what we have to do.”

Were her kids proud that she works? It was a question that often arose when I talked about Angie with middle-class friends, most of whom took it as an article of faith that the answer was yes. Angie paused. “I don’t think the kids think about that,” she said. “They’d like it if I’d just sit around with them all day.” She raised her voice to mimic a squeal: “‘Why you always at work?’ Shoot! Why you think I gotta work? Ain’t none a you got a job!” It was possible, of course, that the kids felt prouder of her than she knew and that the power of the example she set would become clearer with time. I asked her if she thought her struggles to grind out a low-wage living would encourage the kids to stay in school. “Do I think they’re going to finish high school? Hell, no!” Angie said.

At the time, like most feminists, I was convinced that welfare reform would be a disaster. By now it’s clear I was mistaken. In retrospect, it’s not surprising that welfare reform didn’t end up making much difference, for two reasons.

First of all, AFDC was simply never that generous anyway – at its best, it was still miserly compared to what most wealthy western nations do for welfare. The reduction of a program that was small to start with can’t be expected to make an enourmous difference.

Second of all, welfare reform more-or-less coincided with a significant growth in the Earned Income Tax Credit; during the Clinton years, the EITC went from being a $9 billion dollar program to a $30 billion dollar program. So it seems likely that some effects of welfare reform were mitigated by EITC growth.

As well as the above-quoted review, I’d also highly recommend this review of American Dreams by David Glenn in Dissent. (Hat tip: Crooked Timber).

Posted in Economics and the like | 14 Comments

Monday Baby Blogging – Sleeping Sisters

No good story with this week’s pictures (which were taken by Kim, by the way – thanks, Kim!) – just Sydney and Maddox snoozing and being oh-so-cute.

Continue reading

Posted in Baby & kid blogging | 14 Comments

Robert's New Blog

Frequent “Alas” comment-writer (and token right-winger) Robert Hayes has started a new blog, The Argument Clinic. There’s a lot there that “Alas” readers will disagree with, as well as rare points of agreement. If you enjoy arguments (or just enjoy being pissed off by right wing opinions), check it out.

Posted in Link farms | 8 Comments

Oregon Woman Convicted of Acting Insufficiently Traumatized

An Oregon woman who says she was gang-raped by three men, has been convicted of filing false rape charges, because she failed to act “traumatized” enough. From the Oregonian:

After a day-and-a-half trial, Municipal Judge Peter A. Ackerman on Friday convicted the woman of filing a false police report, a class-C misdemeanor. Ackerman explained his decision, saying there were many inconsistencies in the stories of the four, but that he found the young men to be more credible. He also said he relied on the testimony of a Beaverton police detective and the woman’s friends who said she did not act traumatized in the days following the incident.

That’s appalling.

The Judge seems to believe that there is a typical way in which all rape victims act, and that if a woman fails to act that way, she must be lying. But that’s nonsense. There is no “rape victim script” that every rape victim follows. Essentially, this woman has been convicted of a crime for failing match the judge’s stereotype of what “legitimate” female victims act like.

Judge Ackerman has sent a message to rape victims in Oregon: If the judge doesn’t think you’re weepy enough, emotive enough, hysterical enough, whatever enough, then he might just convict you of a crime. There’s every reason to think an asinine ruling like this will deter rape victims from reporting rape to the police.

Shakespeare’s Sister, The Heretik and The American Street have more. UPDATE: See The Countess’ post, too. And a new post from The Heretik. And My Vast Right Wing Conspiracy. And Once Upon A Time…. And Political Animal. And this stunning post at Shakespeare’s Sister. And Liberty Street. And Radioactive Quill. And Ded Space.

For a contrary view on this case, see Cathy Young’s post.

Posted in Rape, intimate violence, & related issues | 185 Comments

Ayotte, Pharmacists, and Alito Friday Round-Up

A lot has been going on in the world of reproductive-rights politics this week– such as the SCOTUS hearings on the Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood case and some of Alito’s old documents coming to the surface. I’ve been swamped with end-of-semester work and studying for exams so I’ll just provide a round-up of some articles and blog postings I’ve come across, relating to the SCOTUS case and Alito’s documents…..

From the Boston Globe (and Boston.com News), ‘Abortion Reargued’

THE FIRST abortion case since 2000 heard by the Supreme Court this week is not primarily about requiring minors to notify their parents before they can obtain an abortion; 43 states already have parental notification or consent laws. What makes the New Hampshire case so controversial is that it does not include an exception for the health of the mother, a violation of requirements in the 1973 decision Roe v Wade. And, of course, what also makes this case controversial are the shifting dynamics on the court.

Supporters of the law point to a provision allowing a judge to intervene in a medical emergency — Justice Antonin Scalia scoffed that it takes but ”thirty seconds” to place a telephone call — but actual experience with judicial bypass provisions has proven far more time-consuming than that. A pregnant teenager facing a medical crisis needs a doctor, not a judge.[…]

From the Washington Post, ‘Newly Released Papers Energize Alito’s Critics’….

[…]Details of Alito’s 1985 strategy to undermine the landmark Roe v. Wade ruling have energized abortion rights groups, they said, but broader questions about his overall credibility may eventually prove more problematic to the Bush administration’s confirmation efforts.[…]

The flurry of events was triggered by the release Wednesday of the lengthy 1985 memo in which Alito, then a Justice Department lawyer in the Reagan administration, outlined a strategy for attacking the 1973 Roe ruling without making a “frontal assault” that might prove unwinnable. “What can be made of this opportunity to advance the goals of bringing about the eventual overruling of Roe v. Wade and, in the meantime, of mitigating its effects?” he asked in the memo concerning a Pennsylvania case before the Supreme Court, Thornburgh v. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists.

Alito did not cite the case in his responses to the Senate questionnaire, also released on Wednesday, which asked him to describe the most significant litigation matters he has handled.[…]

“In light of your 17-page memorandum and the accounts of your former colleagues, your ‘participation in the litigation’ was clearly substantial,” Schumer said in a letter asking Alito to explain. Citing a previously disclosed memo in which Alito successfully sought a promotion in the Justice Department, Schumer added: “In your 1985 job application, written only a few months later, you appeared to highlight your work on the Thornburgh case.”[…]

From MSNBC, ‘Pharmacists disciplined over morning-after pill’ (fine by me)….

ST. LOUIS – Walgreen Co., the nation’s largest drugstore chain by revenue, said it has put four Illinois pharmacists in the St. Louis area on unpaid leave for refusing to fill prescriptions for emergency contraception in violation of a state rule.

The four cited religious or moral objections to filling prescriptions for the morning-after pill and “have said they would like to maintain their right to refuse to dispense, and in Illinois that is not an option,” Walgreen spokeswoman Tiffani Bruce said.[…]

Now for some blog round-ups; Jill over at Feministe and her post, ‘Alito, Abortion, and the Future of Roe.’

Echidne of the Snakes and her post, ‘Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood of Northern New England.’

–Scott Lemieux and his posts ‘Ayotte’ and ‘Applied Illogic’

–Stone Court, ‘Alito, Abortion, and Precedent’.

–Amanda Marcotte, ’60 Minutes On the Plan B Controversy’.

–SCOTUSblog, ‘Abortion: narrowing the focus’.

–CultureKitchen, ‘Here is the evidence that Samuel “Scalito” Alito has a strategy for overturning ‘Roe v. Wade’.

–The Smeal Report, ‘There Can Be No Choice If There Are No Clinics.’

And last but not least, Jessica at Feministing and her post ‘Memo reveals Alito’s anti-choice strategy.’

There you go. Now if you’ll excuse me, I have to return to my studies and be miserable until finals are over (which will be in about two weeks). Oh and a belated Happy Anti-Racist–Blogging-Day.

Posted in Abortion & reproductive rights, Anti-Contraceptives/EC zaniness, Supreme Court Issues | 12 Comments

South Africa To Recognize Same Sex Marriage

Excellent news! South Africa’s Supreme Court has ruled that the South African Constitution, which guarantees equal rights for lesbians and gays, requires the state to recognize same-sex marraiges.

From Reuters (hat tip: This Space For Rent):

South Africa’s top court said on Thursday it was unconstitutional to deny gay people the right to marry, putting it on track to become the first African country to legalize same-sex marriage.

The Constitutional Court told parliament to amend marriage laws to include same-sex partners within the year — a step that runs counter to widespread African taboos against homosexuality.

“The exclusion of same-sex couples from the benefits and responsibilities of marriage … signifies that their capacity for love, commitment and accepting responsibility is by definition less worthy of regard than that of heterosexual couples,” Justice Albie Sachs said in the ruling.

The court said if parliament did not act, the legal definition of marriage would be automatically changed to include same-sex unions. That would put South Africa alongside Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and Canada in allowing gay marriages. […]

Only one of the court’s 11 judges dissented from the ruling, arguing it should have legalized gay marriage immediately instead of allowing 12 months for parliament to act.

Posted in Same-Sex Marriage | 7 Comments

A Concise History of Black-White Relations In The USA

As long as I’m reprinting stuff for (the morning after) blog about racism day, here’s my favorite of the cartoons I’ve done about racism. If you have trouble reading this, a larger, color, version can be viewed here.

cartoon

Posted in Cartooning & comics, Race, racism and related issues | 47 Comments

Privilege Is Driving a Smooth Road And Not Even Knowing It

[Since this is (the morning after) “Blog Against Racism Day,” I thought I’d repost one of my better posts about sex, race and privilege. This post was first posted in November 2002, and has been somewhat modified.]

The more privileged you are, the easier it is to envision human beings as pure individuals, unconnected to other individuals in any way that matters.

It sometimes puzzles conservatives that progressives are so concerned with what people think. What is racism, sexism, homophobia, etc, after all, other than a way some people think about some other people? And as long as I’m free to pursue my own self-interest, what does it matter what others think of me?

For someone with a lot of privilege, the rational answer is, “it doesn’t matter at all.” The more privileged you are, the less other people’s thoughts count. You go into a store, and you buy what you want, or you don’t buy. You don’t have to worry about what the store clerks think of you – what could matter less?

It matters if you’re a black woman like Debbie Allen, the very successful producer and choreographer. When she walks into a store, it matters what the clerks think of her – because those clerks might decide to refuse to sell her anything (she obviously can’t afford it). This isn’t a hypothetical situation – it really happened. Just as it really happened to Patricia Williams (a very successful lawyer who is a black woman), who once visited a high-end retail store – and the clerk refused to even buzz her in.

Those are small examples, but they illustrate what I mean. To someone with a lot of privilege, what strangers think is irrelevant. To someone in a less privileged position, what strangers think of you determines what kind of access you get to the complex network of relationships that make up our society and our economy. When strangers often think less of you because of your sex or race, you have less access to the material benefits of our society and economy.

People with more privilege, in contrast, can easily imagine that they are independent. A big mark of privilege is that social and economic networks tend to facilitate goals, rather than block them. This makes it easier to ignore the social and economic networks around us; and it makes it easier for the privileged to imagine their accomplishments are the result of their own pure merit. Imagine two roads: one smooth, well-paved, well-maintained, the other lumpy and full of cracks and pits. Most people will drive over the smooth road without even noticing it – but that doesn’t mean that the smooth road hasn’t facilitated their driving. Nor does it mean that the person driving on the smooth road has more merit, as a driver, than someone stuck on pothole avenue.

The feminist and anti-racist view of the world – in which people are not independent but interlinked, and therefore what others think matters in very real and concrete ways – is much more realistic. No one is independent; we all rely on a network of social and economic ties to tens of thousands of strangers, just to get through a single day. (Who grew the food you eat? Who paved the road you take to work? Who decided to offer you your job? Who decided to offer – or not offer – you a residence where you now live? You didn’t do all these things yourself.)

Of course, everyone – regardless of race and sex – will hit occasional bumps on the road. And everyone, white men included, has put out some sort of effort to get where they got. But when the folks on the smoother road go faster and further, let’s not pretend it’s because they’re better drivers.

Posted in Feminism, sexism, etc, Race, racism and related issues | 89 Comments