I don’t really have much to say about it that many, many people haven’t said before, but I wanted to point out an interesting exchange about same-sex marriage that’s been bouncing around the blogosphere. I’m quoting brief snippets of each, for flavor, but there’s lots, lots more if you read the posts in full.
First of all, Megan of Asymmetrical Information (who “Alas” readers may remember I debated on a certain movie star’s radio show), a libertarian, argues that same-sex marriage advocates have been too easily dismissing the potential downside of legal same-sex marriage.
A very common response to this is essentially to mock this as ridiculous. “Why on earth would it make any difference to me whether gay people are getting married? Why would that change my behavior as a heterosexual”
To which social conservatives reply that institutions have a number of complex ways in which they fulfill their roles, and one of the very important ways in which the institution of marriage perpetuates itself is by creating a romantic vision of oneself in marriage that is intrinsically tied into expressing one’s masculinity or femininity in relation to a person of the opposite sex; stepping into an explicitly gendered role. This may not be true of every single marriage, and indeed undoubtedly it is untrue in some cases. But it is true of the culture-wide institution. By changing the explicitly gendered nature of marriage we might be accidentally cutting away something that turns out to be a crucial underpinning.
To which, again, the other side replies “That’s ridiculous! I would never change my willingness to get married based on whether or not gay people were getting married!”
Now, economists hear this sort of argument all the time. “That’s ridiculous! I would never start working fewer hours because my taxes went up!” This ignores the fact that you may not be the marginal case. The marginal case may be some consultant who just can’t justify sacrificing valuable leisure for a new project when he’s only making 60 cents on the dollar. The result will nonetheless be the same: less economic activity. Similarly, you–highly educated, firmly socialised, upper middle class you–may not be the marginal marriage candidate; it may be some high school dropout in Tuscaloosa. That doesn’t mean that the institution of marriage won’t be weakened in America just the same.
Megan goes on to give a number of somewhat dubious examples of government policy causing Bad Things (no-fault divorce caused a high divorce rate, that sort of thing).
Galios responds (in part; read the whole thing):
[Megan speculates that, if same-sex marriage is legalized,] some people might no longer choose to marry as it will no longer be an expression of an explicit gendered role. I had thought, however, that in such a conflict where one person wants a role to be explicitly gendered and another wishes to take that role in spite of his or her gender, the latter’s equality rights would generally trump the other’s interest in maintaining gender roles. If not we should reconsider a lot of issues. Perhaps women should no longer be allowed to be policemen as some men at the margins are no longer joining the force because it does not afford an opportunity to step into an explicitly gendered role. In this case it is not that I arrogantly suppose nobody would react this way. I simply feel the need for explicit gendered roles is far outweighed by the need to be free of them.
Tom at Family Scholars Blog, also responding to Megan, writes:
Hear, hear. Same-sex marriage could weaken marriage in numerous ways. I think there are clear reasons why marriage has always been understood as being between a man and a woman. Marriage has been about regulating sexuality and procreation (and property and other things), and we live in”“and always will live in”“a heteronormative world.
But not allowing same-sex marriage could also weaken marriage. (Marriage could increasingly be seen as a discriminatory institution, the compromise of civil unions could undermine marriage far more than same-sex marriage, and so on.) Just as many gay rights activists should think a bit more seriously about marriage, many opponents of same-sex marriage should think a bit more seriously about fairness and equality for homosexuals. I see no reason why society should condemn homosexuality and stigmatize homosexuals, and most opposition to same-sex marriage is rooted in opposition to homosexuality (Elizabeth and David are in the minority there, I’m afraid). I’m not sure if there are any rational arguments out there against homosexuality, either. That’s not to say that our ancestors were bigoted, repressed bastards. But sometimes societies make progress, and it’s difficult to see how the growing social acceptance of homosexuality can be categorized as anything other than progress.
Jim at Unqualified Offerings gets in the deal; answering Megan’s examples and also her Chesterson quote (which I’m not even getting in to here, space being limited and all), and also writing:
The form of the social conservative argument against gay marriage is entirely different: easing couple-formation among Class A is supposed to make couple-formation less attractive to Class B. One version of this argument would hold that Class B so reviles Class A that they will, at the margin, want less to do with any institution Class A has contaminated. Social conservatives on their best behavior are at pains to avoid this one. Instead they argue that marriage is deeply attractive because it is an opportunity to “step[] into an explicitly gendered role,”?as Megan puts it, and opening the institution to Class A, gay couples, compromises that.
I can’t say definitively that it doesn’t, because one can’t prove a negative. I can say that the “gendered roles are the it thing about marriage”? claim has a distinctly after-the-fact air about it; that is, it feels like the opposition to gay marriage comes first, and the reasoning afterward. […]
Social conservatives either need a more compelling causal explanation of how gay marriage would harm straight marriage, or they need closer analogies than Megan managed. Give me compelling historical cases of the form “We opened Institution X to Class A and that caused it to weaken among Class B”? and you’ll have at least a level of surface plausibility that social conservatives currently don’t have. You won’t have won the argument by any means – at that point we have to weigh your story against the justice claims that have been patiently waiting to be brought back in to the discussion. But at least you’ll have an argument.
Kip Esquire makes a solid point as well:
The mile-wide blindspot in Jane’s tome is that all her examples are non-discriminatory. Look at the income tax: two clones with exactly identical financial profiles pay exactly the same income tax … whether that tax is too high is an entirely different discussion. Yes, libertarians … or anyone … can disagree about whether “taxes are too high,” but I would hope that a tax policy that discriminated against gays … or blacks or women or immigrants or any other group … would unite libertarians in saying “Now hold on a minute…” […]
I don’t give a damn whether recognizing same-sex marriage affects anybody else’s behavior “at the margin.” I’m being discriminated against, and I want it to stop. The margin be damned.
Over in Obernews, Brooke writes:
But I ask again, what does any of this have to do with gay marriage? Traditional marriage supporters seem to be flocking to this essay because it supposedly makes a compelling case for not allowing gay marriage. But do we learn anything at all about the possible consequences of gay marriage in this essay? No. So what have we learned? That change means change and incentives matter. Both good lessons with no discernable relationship to gay marriage. Because what are the incentives to marriage that are likely to change? Companionship, having children, economic security, fulfillment of religious duty, and, as McArdle says, “stepping into an explicitly gendered role”? (which, incidentally, I think is increasingly rare and likely to become more so, and also, bullshit)? For heterosexual people who want any or all of those things, how are the incentives changed by allowing gay people to marry, even to people on the margin? What disincentive to marriage does allowing gays to marry create? McArdle doesn’t suggest any.
In the comments to Obernews, Jesse made what I thought was an on-target comment:
But Megan, the position you’re targeting doesn’t boil down to “Because I wouldn’t change my behavior, it is therefore true that no one else will change their behavior.” It boils down to “Why would this cause any heterosexuals to change their behavior?” Put another way, the point isn’t that the speaker doesn’t see how incentives that won’t affect him could affect anyone else. It’s that gay marriage doesn’t change any heterosexual’s incentives in the first place.
The proper response, if you object to the argument, is not to point out incentives that were pooh-poohed in the past but which turned out to be important after all; it’s to note some negative incentives that exist in the first place.
Since I haven’t seen any compelling examples of such incentives, I can’t say the argument strikes me as stupid at all.
In contrast, Justin at Dust In The Light argues that what this all shows is that gay marriage is a slippery, slippery slope.
…It’s true that the social mixing will remain intact even should the genetic mixing be withdrawn from the essential definition of marriage. However, McArdle’s point about each step making the next easier comes starkly into play: there are currently two reasons for the fence against consanguineous marriage: procreative and social. At the very least, same-sex marriage would invalidate the former, leaving only vague notions of clannishness that a society (or judiciary) that takes individual choice as the supreme principle would surely deem an inappropriate basis for the law.
Stepping outside of the narrow point, though, we observe that Henley has made the repeated assertion that he is leaving out the “justice claims” of same-sex marriage supporters. Those claims, and every other argument that Henley puts forward on behalf of same-sex marriage, would apply equally to any other couple or group that wished to have the government recognize its relationship as “marriage.”
One of Justin’s comment-writers argues that it’s not true that we have to be against same-sex marriage because it would be the end of the world. No, no – we have to be against same-sex marriage because it would led to the Muslims taking over.
You two are overstating our arguments. I’ve never claimed that humanity will die out. I don’t think any other commenters here have ever made that claim either. The real argument is that this particular society that you will have radically modified will become unviable and will be replaced. What the replacement will be nobody can guess. Some believe it will be replaced with a fundamentalist muslim society. In which case your ssm couples would have to start hiding again, only not from fear of being ostracized. Whatever replaces American society will not be as friendly to homogamous relationships as you hope to enjoy. It won’t happen overnight of course. It may not even happen until your ssm grandchildren, but it will happen just like it is happening in Europe.
Although it’s too difficult to find a bit to quote, Sebastian Holsclaw also has some interesting thoughts on the nature of reforming any institution.
Anyhow, with the exception of Justin’s (which is just more of the old “same sex marriage will lead to incest” fearmongering), all the above posts – including Megan’s original post – are well worth reading.
You can find plenty of examples of leftists claiming that white people and “white supremacy” are the cause of problems…