Videos I've Been Watching: On The Holocaust, On "New Data on the Rise of Women"

Some videos I think are worth watching.

First, The Daily Show on at least one Fox Network host’s insistence that no one on that network ever compares people on the left to the Nazis for rhetorical effect:

The Daily Show With Jon Stewart Mon – Thurs 11p / 10c
24 Hour Nazi Party People
www.thedailyshow.com
Daily Show Full Episodes Political Humor & Satire Blog</a> The Daily Show on Facebook

Second, a link to Yad Vashem’s Persian channel–I could not find the embed data–which hopefully will serve as a counterweight to the kind of information circulating in Iran about the Holocaust as shown in this video from the opening of a Holocaust Cartoons Expo in August 2006:

And third, this TED video of a talk by Hanna Rosin, author “The End of Men,” published in The Atlantic Monthly, “which asserts that the era of male dominance has come to an end as women gain power in the postindustrial economy.”

Cross-posted.

Posted in Whatever | Comments Off on Videos I've Been Watching: On The Holocaust, On "New Data on the Rise of Women"

The promotion of drivel

I heard this on Checkpoint (a news programme on NZ’s equivalent of NPR) last Thursday, as part of a story about research that had found a correlation between strokes and living close to a road

The author’s did find that people with lower incomes tended to live in areas with more traffic noise and we know that socio-economic status is also a predictor for strokes, but they didn’t control for that in this study and it could be less about the noise and more about other lifestyle factors

I didn’t even have time to get angry about the fact that, poverty is not a fucking lifestyle factor, because I was so horrified that they didn’t control for class. What were these researchers doing? And why did such a ridiculous study get international news coverage? Why was 2 minutes 19 seconds of so the lives of Radio NZ listeners wasted with this drivel?

If you’re researching people’s bodies – no scratch that – if you’re researching people and you don’t take into account that people have different access to resources, then your research has no meaning and no value. And if it is picked up and promoted and treated as interesting, that’s because its lack of truth makes it a useful ideological tool.

Posted in Whatever | 1 Comment

Why does no one seem to remember or care that President Zuma of South Africa is a rapist?

I’m not AVAAZ’s biggest fan at the best of times. I’m wary of activities that make people feel like they’re doing something, without encouraging any sort of collective action that could actually create change.

But AVAAZ’s latest campaign is particularly free of analysis and I disagree with it in more ways than I’ll be able to articulate in this post. Their petition is directed at President Zuma and says:

We call on you to publicly condemn ‘corrective rape’, criminalise hate crimes, and ensure immediate enforcement, public education and protection to victims. This terrible practice can only be stopped with leadership from your office and throughout government.

I disagree with the general principle, that the only way misogynistic violence can be stopped is through leadership from the President’s office, or that leadership from a President’s office can stop misogynistic violence.

I disagree with focusing on ‘corrective rape’ for many reasons (for those of you who don’t know this is a term invented by aid agencies to describe women who are raped by men for being lesbian). It is grotesque to focus on one group of rape survivors and say “Hey this is super duper bad, and different from the other ways people are raped, we need to do something about just this”.* (I think I was making a related argument the last time I was writing about President Zuma)

But to me the worst thing about this petition, is that each person who signs this petition, asking President Zuma to do something about one single category of rape, is devaluing the experience of and rendering invisible one woman in particular: the woman he raped.

He raped her in 2005 in his home; they knew each other, it is the . He was found not guilty. But I followed the case and read the misogyny soaked judgement, and I’m as sure that he raped this woman as I am that Clint Rickards is a rapist. Here’s what I wrote about the case at the time:

The trial sounds hideous, and familiar. She was put on trial and her sexual history, including other times she had been raped, was put into evidence. When Zuma took the stand he argued that she consented by wearing a knee-length skirt and complaining that she didn’t have a boyfriend:

She had never in the past come to my house dressed in a skirt. Including times when I was living in Pretoria. When she came to me in a skirt after those talks I referred to earlier on, well, it told me something.

The judge, well the judge is a misogynist asshole, who said that she didn’t act as rape victims should.

To write to a rapist and to ask him to do something about a particular category of rape victims, while excluding the woman he raped is disgusting. It’s also pretty foolish. Even if everyone had access to a computer signed AVAAZ’s petition Zuma’s not going to suddenly become an opponent of sexual violence and an ally in the fight to create a new world.

***********

I think there is another element of this – an element that is particularly important right now, and that was explained really well over at Not Afraid of Ruins (a new blog written by a super smart and cool friend of mine so you should all go and follow it right now):

Okay, there’s another reason I don’t like the term ‘corrective rape’. It’s a bit like ‘honour killing’. It’s one of those terms that mean ‘a specific type of misogynist homophobic violence that only happens in non-Western societies’. Having special names for kinds of misogynist homophobic violence that only happen in non-Western societies is super handy because it allows us to pretend that the kind of violence that happens There is different from the kind of violence that happens Here. Because That kind of violence is an intrinsic part of Their culture. But violence that happens Here is always an isolated incident committed by individuals. It is something extrinsic to Western culture, which is a culture of respect and equality.

* I think this is related to the effort by the US republicans to restrict federal funding for abortion to those who have been ‘forcibly’ raped. I’d write more on that but I can’t write about the Hyde Amendment without seething with rage at practically everyone. But I think it’s more evidence that dividing up rape into categories is not done to support those who have been raped, but to attack them.

Posted in Rape, intimate violence, & related issues | 2 Comments

Damned If You Don't

The possible-to-likely disintegration of Mubarak’s regime in Egypt leaves the United States in a very difficult position. Hosni Mubarak’s government has been very close to the United States for as long as he’s been in power; America owes him, unfortunately, and we can’t really pull the rug out from under him without panicking our other autocratic allies and ally-ish types in the region, most notably the House of  Saud.

On the other hand, there is growing indications that the protests of today are nearing a tipping point. CNN is reporting that the military is joining in protests, at least in Cairo. If true, that means that Mubarak’s time in office may now be measured in hours. And America can’t not back the protesters, because should they gain control of Egypt, they will be in charge of the Suez, a border with Israel, and a key point in the crossroads of the Middle East.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s statement shows just what a tightrope the Obama administration is trying to walk:

We are deeply concerned about the use of violence by Egyptian police and security forces against protesters, and we call on the Egyptian Goverment to do everything in its power to restrain the security forces. At the same time, protesters should also refrain from violence and express themselves peacefully.

We support the universal human rights of the Egyptian people, including the right to freedom of speech, of association, and of assembly. We urge the Egyptian authorities to allow peaceful protests and to reverse the unprecedented steps it has taken to cut off communications.

These protests underscore that there are deep grievances within Egyptian society and Egyptian Government needs to understand that violence will not make these grievances go away. As President Obama said yesterday, reform is absolutely critical to the well-being of Egypt.

Egypt has long been an important partner of the United States on a wide range of regional issues. As a partner, we strongly believe that the Egyptian Government needs to engage immediately with the Egyptian people in implementing needed economic, political, and social reforms. We continue to raise with the Egyptian Government — as we do with other governments in the region — the imperative for reform and greater openness and participation to provide a better future for all. We want to partner with the Egyptian people and their Government to realise their aspirations, to live in a democratic society that respects basic human rights.

That addresses the fundamental tensions in the U.S. position here — the desire to back a stable ally, cutting against the desire to support the sort of democratic and social rights that have been our nation’s raison d’être.

Ultimately, I tend to agree with Brian Whittaker that the Obama Administration is looking to salvage the situation in a way that gets Mubarak out of Egypt safely, turns control over to a secular government (likely military in the short term, hopefully at least quasi-democratic in the long term), and hopefully protects American interests with regard to Israel and the Suez.  The hope is that the future government of Egypt will be one that shows at least as much respect for human rights as the present one, with less corruption and more democracy. But we’ll see. The situation is fluid right now, and where things go from here is anyone’s guess.

Posted in Africa, International issues | 7 Comments

Help save Sydney and Maddox's school!

My housemate Kim used to occasionally post on Alas as Kim (Basement Variety). Her kids, also my housemates, Sydney and Maddox, used to appear regularly on “Alas,” first in “Baby Blogging” and then in “Kid Blogging” posts. They now attend a really nice K-12 school right near our house; I’ve visited the school several times and found the staff kindly and the kids happy and actively learning.

Anyway, the school is now in financial difficulty, and Kim asked me to post this letter from her on “Alas.” I can’t afford much, but I’ll be tossing them a few bucks, and I hope some “Alas” readers will too.

January 27, 2011

Dear Friends and Family;

As many of you know, this past year, Matt and I have enrolled our daughters Sydney and Maddox in a unique and amazing school called “The Village Free School”. The school is one of a handful in the United States and is founded on the democratic principles of freedom, conscientious citizenship, collaboration and differentiated learning.

The reason I’m writing you today is because like many other individuals and institutions in our country, our school has found itself experiencing a crippling shortfall of resources and faces closure at the end of March if we are unable to off-set these financial issues with donations. The school is actively seeking new and effective ways of raising funds, but as we all know, one of the most effective ways of raising funds is simply reaching out to others to ask for help in the form of donations.

I know that like Matt and I, many of you are experiencing the crunch of our slow economy, but I also know that we have surrounded ourselves with some of the most generous and thoughtful people who are concerned with lending a hand when it’s needed. With that in mind, I’m making a humble plea as a parent and supporter of the Village Free School for donations small or large (tax deductible of course). Whether you can afford $5 or $20, any help you offer is as appreciated as it is needed. I understand that some of you can’t donate, but I want to thank you as well for simply having taken the time to hear our plea.

If you would like to make a donation, here is the Village Free School donation page, where you can choose one of the selected amounts, or fill in your own amount. For those of you that have already donated on behalf of our family, please accept our sincere and heartfelt thanks! Also, if you do make a donation, I would love it if you sent me an email at kim@pbbr.com so I can send out a special thank you note from our daughters Sydney and Maddox.

If you cannot donate now, please consider participating in the upcoming fund raising events that are on the horizon – these will be posted soon on the Village Free School website.

Again, thank you for any and all support you give as we work to overcome this problem. I have included pictures of Sydney and Maddox at school, to give you a birds-eye view of how special this school is.

Kindest Regards & Many Thanks,

Kim, Matt, Sydney and Maddox

(Click on photos to view larger).

Maddox learns math. I love Maddox’s calm work ethic.

Sydney at school, doing something or other. As usual, it’s hard to point a camera at Sydney and not wind up with a nice photo.

Posted in Baby & kid blogging, Whatever | Comments Off on Help save Sydney and Maddox's school!

Family Politics Suck 2: The Difficulty of Fictionalized Autobiography

I’m teaching a class in playwriting this semester and yesterday I introduced my students to David Ball’s definition of action. This is from his book Backwards & Forwards: “Action occurs when something happens that makes or permits something else to happen.” Each action in a play, in other words, is made up of two events–I say “Good morning;” you say “To you, too.” If I have understood Ball correctly, the advantage in understanding theatrical action this way is that it forces you to examine how a play moves from action to action, from beginning to end, in terms of the negotiations that take place between and among the characters on stage. In theater, as in life, in other words, no event exists in the absence of a context, and that context is not merely, and not even primarily, social and cultural; that context is made up of what the people around you do both in response to and as catalysts of what you do. This is true in novels and short stories as well, of course, as in non-fiction narrative forms; the difference is that writing a play limits you to what actually gets said on stage. Understanding both how a play moves from one action to another and the interior structure of each action, as well as its relationship to all the other actions in the play, is thus crucial if a play you are writing is going to cohere. In actual practice, of course, different playwrights will deal with the question of action differently and so my point in introducing this concept to my students was less about giving them a writing technique than it was about getting them to explore, in their own imaginations, the differences between playwriting and the other kinds of creative writing they have done.

To highlight this difference, I gave them a paragraph I’d written for an essay–one of the Fragments of Evolving Manhood, in fact–and I asked them to list the actions contained within it. Here is the paragraph:

A colleague with whom I used to have lunch on a regular basis would occasionally bring her three-year-old son along. Usually, Daniel was a very animated little boy, asking questions, making a mess, and doing in general what three-year-old boys do to maintain themselves as the focus of attention. On this particular afternoon, however, Daniel sat next to his mother in complete silence. Both his hands were bandaged because of a fall he’d taken earlier in the day, and he was still in pain, making it difficult for him to hold the small pieces his mother cut from the pizza we’d ordered for lunch. From time to time, when the look of frustration on her son’s face became especially acute, my friend would stop our conversation, pick up a small square of food, and hold it to his mouth, not continuing with what she’d been saying until he chewed and swallowed the whole thing. When we were done, and Daniel stood up so his mother could put his coat on, he held his engauzed palms out to her, silently asking for comfort. My friend squatted in front of her son and asked, “What’s the matter, Daniel? Does it hurt?” When Daniel nodded his head, she stroked his cheek with a finger and said, “I know, sweetie, but you’re a man, right? You can take it.” Daniel set his three-year-old mouth in a firm, thin line, and nodded his head again. Then his mother helped him slip his arms into the sleeves of his jacket, zipped him up, and motioned to me that they were ready to leave.

One of the things you might notice about the actions in this paragraph is that they aren’t always told in sequential order. Take, for example, this sentence: “Both [Daniel’s] hands were bandaged because of a fall he’d taken earlier in the day, and he was still in pain, making it difficult for him to hold the small pieces his mother cut from the pizza we’d ordered for lunch.” One of the things I pointed out to my students, for example, is that, in terms of the sentence structure, the mother cuts the pizza after Daniel has difficulty holding the pieces she has cut. On stage, obviously, that order would have to be reversed in order for it to make sense.

Anyway, after we went through this paragraph in class, I gave my students a homework assignment in which they had to tell in prose a story from their lives that they felt was particularly dramatic. I asked them to list the actions in the story, and I asked them as well to write a little bit about why they felt this story might make a good play. What did they learn from the story? What, if it were made into a play, did they think an audience would take away from it? Since I often do the exercises I give to students in my creative writing classes, I sat down the other night to do this one, and my mind immediately went to several incidents that took place between my brother and me when we were teenagers. In each case, my brother betrayed me in very serious ways and, taken collectively, these incidents constituted a turning point in my life, not simply in my relationship with my brother, but also because it is possible to draw a direct line between some of those incidents and choices I made that resulted in my becoming the person I am today.

My brother has been dead for a very long time and so nothing is stopping me from telling those tales. There’s no one to embarrass, and it is long past the time when anyone would be worried about my brother’s honor. The stories themselves, however, are not what motivated me to write this post. Rather, what struck me was how hard it was as I wrote those stories out to tell them in a way that did justice to my brother as a three dimensional character. No matter how I told them–and I tried a couple of different ways–he always came out the villain and I always came out the long-suffering and even a little bit martyred older brother. On some level, in other words, writing those stories was a way for me to settle a score with my brother–a very convenient way, since he is not here to give his side of the story–and I know from experience that writing out of the impulse for revenge rarely, if ever, results in a work of art.

I ended up using a different story the exercise I gave my students, but trying to write about my brother has gotten me thinking again about family politics, specifically between siblings, and how when sibling rivalry is so strong that it dominates the relationship between and among brothers and sisters, in whatever combination they exist, there are almost always only angels and devils, those who are absolutely in the right and those who are absolutely in the wrong, and neither side is usually willing to acknowledge that things are never that simple. It was like that for me and my brother until just before he was killed in a drunk driving accident around thirty years ago; and while I cherish the all too brief moments before his death when we seemed to be moving towards reconciliation, I wish our relationship had, as a whole, been other than it was, because I wish my memories of him were not primarily of us being at each other’s throats. After all, the issues we were fighting about, while they were hurtful at the time should in the long run have been far less important than the one fact about us that nothing can never change: we were brothers.

Cross-posted on The Poetry in The Politics and The Politics in The Poetry.

Posted in Families structures, divorce, etc, Writing | Comments Off on Family Politics Suck 2: The Difficulty of Fictionalized Autobiography

The Government's Cruel War On Pain Medication


Pain

Several years ago, Mark Kleiman wrote a long, well-researched article on drug policy which was so overflowing with being sensible that it has no chance of being paid any attention to in legislative circles. Most of the article was focused on street drugs, but here’s what he wrote about pain medication:

Get drug enforcement out of the way of pain relief. Physicians and their regulators are naturally concerned about the risk of iatrogenic (treatment-induced) drug dependency. Consequently, they have tended to be sparing in their use of opiate and opioid pain relievers, even when the pain involved is extreme and the patient’s short life expectancy, as in the case of terminal cancer patients, makes addiction a largely notional problem. Better professional education has made more recent cohorts of physicians less afraid of over-prescribing painkillers than their older colleagues, but the upsurge of prescription-analgesic abuse (especially of hydrocodone [Vicodin] and oxycodone [Percodan, Oxycontin]) has generated a backlash.

Tight controls and cautious prescribing can reduce medical misuse and recreational use of prescribed drugs and the diversion of pharmaceuticals into illicit markets. A crackdown on Internet pharmacies offering on-line “prescriptions” is fully justified. But the tighter the regulation, the greater the cost and inconvenience imposed on manufacturers, physicians, pharmacists and patients. Cost and inconvenience will not only annoy those groups, it will also increase the amount of untreated pain.

Current policies are scaring physicians away from treating pain aggressively. Many doctors and medical groups now simply refuse to write prescriptions for any substance in Schedule II, the most tightly regulated group of prescription drugs, including the most potent opiate and opioid pain-relievers and the potent amphetamine stimulants. The opiate-and-stimulant combination the textbooks recommend for treating chronic pain is almost never given in practice for fear (a fear well in excess of the actual risk) of disciplinary action and criminal investigation for a physician prescribing “uppers and downers” together. It’s time to loosen up.

In Reason Magazine, Jacob Sullum describes one patient preparing to commit suicide because he couldn’t get treatment:

Hurwitz may not be the only physician in the country who is willing to prescribe narcotics for chronic pain, but there are few enough that patients travel hundreds of miles to see them. “I call it the Painful Underground Railroad,” says Dr. Harvey L. Rose, a Carmichael, California, family practitioner who, like Hurwitz, once battled state regulators who accused him of excessive prescribing. “These are people who are hurting, who have to go out of state in order to find a doctor. We still get calls from all over the country: ‘My doctor won’t give me any pain medicine.’ Or, ‘My doctor died, and the new doctor won’t touch me.’ These people are desperate.”

So desperate that, like Covillion, many contemplate or attempt suicide. In an unpublished paper, Rose tells the stories of several such patients. A 28-year-old man who underwent lumbar disk surgery after an accident at work was left with persistent pain in one leg. His doctor refused to prescribe a strong painkiller, giving him an antidepressant instead. After seeking relief from alcohol and street drugs, the man hanged himself in his garage. A 37-year-old woman who suffered from severe migraines and muscle pain unsuccessfully sought Percocet, the only drug that seemed to work, from several physicians. At one point the pain was so bad that she put a gun to her head and pulled the trigger, unaware that her husband had recently removed the bullets. A 78- year-old woman with degenerative cervical disk disease suffered from chronic back pain after undergoing surgery. A series of physicians gave her small amounts of narcotics, but not enough to relieve her pain. She tried to kill herself four times–slashing her wrists, taking overdoses of Valium and heart medication, and getting into a bathtub with an electric mixer–before she became one of Rose’s patients and started getting sufficient doses of painkiller.

Patients who cannot manage suicide on their own often turn to others for help. “We frequently see patients referred to our Pain Clinic who have considered suicide as an option, or who request physician-assisted suicide because of uncontrolled pain,” writes Dr. Kathleen M. Foley, chief of the pain service at Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, in the Journal of Pain and Symptom Management. But as she recently told The New York Times Magazine, “those asking for assisted suicide almost always change their mind once we have their pain under control.”

One thing that supporters and opponents of assisted suicide seem to agree on is the need for better pain management. Concern about pain was an important motivation for two 1996 decisions by federal appeals courts that overturned laws against assisted suicide in New York and Washington. In the New York case, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit asked, “What business is it of the state to require the continuation of agony when the result is imminent and inevitable?” With the U.S. Supreme Court scheduled to hear a combined appeal of those decisions during its current term, the persistent problem of inadequate pain treatment is sure to be cited once again.

In medical journals and textbooks, the cause of this misery has a name: opiophobia. Doctors are leery of the drugs derived from opium and the synthetics that resemble them, substances like morphine and codeine, hydromorphone (Dilaudid) and meperidine (Demerol). They are leery despite the fact that, compared to other pharmaceuticals, opioids are remarkably safe: The most serious side effect of long-term use is usually constipation, whereas over-the-counter analgesics can cause stomach, kidney, and liver damage. They are leery because opioids have a double identity: They can be used to get relief or to get high, to ease physical pain or to soothe emotional distress.

Doctors are afraid of the drugs themselves, of their potency and addictiveness. And they are afraid of what might happen if they prescribe opioids to the wrong people, for the wrong reasons, or in the wrong quantities. Attracting the attention of state regulators or the Drug Enforcement Administration could mean anything from inconvenience and embarrassment to loss of their licenses and livelihoods. In the legal and cultural climate created by the eight-decade war on drugs, these two fears reinforce each other: Beliefs about the hazards of narcotics justify efforts to prevent diversion of opioids, while those efforts help sustain the beliefs. The result is untold suffering. Dr. Sidney Schnoll, a pain and addiction specialist who chairs the Division of Substance Abuse Medicine at the Medical College of Virginia, observes: “We will go to great lengths to stop addiction–which, though certainly a problem, is dwarfed by the number of people who do not get adequate pain relief. So we will cause countless people to suffer in an effort to stop a few cases of addiction. I find that appalling.”

It is appalling, and cruel, and irrational. As Matt says, it’s putting puritanism above human needs. In another post, Matt writes:

One of the most interesting findings from the happiness research literature is that human beings are remarkably good at adapting to all kinds of misfortunes. Chronic pain, however, is an exception. People either get effective treatment for their pain, or else they’re miserable. Adaptation is fairly minimum. The upshot is that from a real human welfare perspective, we ought to put a lot of weight on making sure that people with chronic pain get the best treatment possible. Minimizing addiction is a fine public policy goal, but the priority should be on making sure that people with legitimate needs can get medicine.

Unfortunately, this seems to be one of those issues that’s untouchable in Congress; it’s not a partisan issue, because majorities of both parties consist of drug war moralists who prefer to keep Americans in pain. Both parties think the DEA is better qualified than your doctor to decide how your pain need to be treated; both parties would rather have Americans in treatable but not treated agony than risk some addict somewhere getting high (which that addict probably will anyway). The brainless cruelty of our political system is one of the things that makes me rip my hair out.

Further reading: The vindictive grand jury investigation of pain-relief advocate Siobhan Reynolds, and Another Pain Doctor Raided, both by Radley Balko. And the archives of the now-defunct (because of government harassment) Pain Relief Network.

(P.S. I went back and forth about the image. But I finally decided that it means “we’re inflicting needless agony on ourselves.” And if you take “ourselves” to mean Americans, collectively, then it’s true.)

(P.P.S. One person in Congress who has decent views on pain management: Ron Paul. So there is something good about him.)

Posted in crossposted on TADA, Health Care and Related Issues | 47 Comments

More Americans Are For Expanding Than Repealing Health Care Reform

Click to see bigger

A new poll by Kaiser and Harvard shows the problem the Republicans have: the only thing as unpopular as the Affordable Care Act (ACA) would be to repeal the Affordable Care Act. 28% of Americans want to expand the ACA; 19% want to keep the ACA as-is; 23% want to repeal it and replace it with a Republican-sponsored alternative; and 20% want to repeal it.

Put another way, 47% of Americans want to keep or expand the ACA, and 43% want it either repealed or replaced.

Republican’s plan B — sabotaging the law by defunding it — is even less popular:

Most Americans—62 percent—disapprove of the idea of lawmakers using the appropriations process to slow down implementation of the law. The majority view switches here because, although most Republicans (57 percent) are in favor of the idea of defunding the bill, most independents are opposed (62 percent) along with the large majority of Democrats (84 percent). Even among those with an unfavorable view of the law and those who want to see it repealed, substantial shares of about four in ten say they disapprove of cutting off funding as a way to stop some or all of health reform from being put into place.

I note that when the Democrats were favoring a policy that considerably less than 62% of Americans opposed, Republicans and conservatives found that quite immoral; “how dare the Democrats shove this down our throats!,” they cried! I’m certain that their passionate belief that Congress shouldn’t oppose the will of the people won’t suddenly evaporate now that public opinion is less aligned with their policy preference.

The rest of the poll (pdf link) has the results you’d expect; majorities of Americans favor nearly all the provisions of the ACA when asked about them one by one; everyone wants to do something about the deficit but there aren’t majorities in favor of cutting any specific programs (other than foreign aid, which we spend practically nothing on anyway).

There was a pretty interesting result on the individual mandate:

The individual mandate remains unpopular; 76 percent have an unfavorable view of this provision. However, some malleability in opinion exists. When those who initially oppose the mandate are read the argument that “without such a requirement, insurance companies would still be allowed to deny coverage to people who are sick,” opinion on the mandate becomes more split (46 percent favorable, 47 percent unfavorable). And when those who initially favor the mandate are told that such a mandate “could mean that some people would be required to buy health insurance that they find too expensive or did not want,” opposition rises to 85 percent.

There’s one thing about the design of the poll that bothers me; although respondents were asked if they’d rather address the deficit by cutting programs or raising taxes, they weren’t offered the option of saying “both.” Despite that, 5% of those polled volunteered that they’d prefer a combination of program cuts and increased taxes. How much higher would that 5% have been had the poll offered “both” as an option?

Posted in crossposted on TADA, Health Care and Related Issues | 7 Comments

This Week’s Cartoon: “Don’t Tread On Me”

I sort of feel like the tea party and progressives could almost find some common ground over the plight of ordinary people getting screwed six ways from Sunday in this economy. We share a disillusionment with Wall Street and, I would argue, concern with loss of community in the face of crushing bureaucracy. The general principle of localism seems like something we could agree on, to a point. But it all ends there, because the tea partiers, among their other philosophical shortcomings (and there are many), have a MASSIVE blind spot when it comes to understanding the way power works in this country. They refuse to see any abuses resulting  from unfettered, predatory, market-fundamentalist-style capitalism. Everything is the government’s fault. It’s such a simplistic view, it would be quaint if it weren’t also so harmful.

Posted in Syndicated feeds | 54 Comments

Microaggressions

My wife pointed me to an excellent, if infuriating, blog last night, and I was up until 2 AM reading through it.

Microaggressions is a blog about the little daily fuck-yous that populate the world if your race, gender, ethnicity, economic class, nationality, language, ability level, body type, or religion doesn’t meet with the approval of the majority. It’s just a series of tiny, painful stories. They neither have nor require context.

Example:

  • Me:: I can’t believe that someone could commit such a horrible crime. People can scare me sometimes.
  • Guy:: You know, if black people don’t want to be called criminals…
  • Me:: I didn’t say anything about what the man looked like.
  • Guy:: [Silence]
  • As you can probably imagine, there are too many of these to count, and reading through the whole thing can leave you feeling rather ragged.

    Some of them are very specific, and nearly unbelievable in their casual cruelty,

    During track practice, we were doing push ups on the track and afterwards the hands of the boy next to me were stained red from the rubber. He turned to me, wiped his hands on his face and said in a fake accent, “Hello, my name is Sanjai, how can I help you with your computer today?” I’m partially South Asian.

    While others are so commonplace that you just might encounter it from time to time on this very blog:

    “Now let me just play Devil’s Advocate…”

    Every guy who feels entitled to insert himself into a conversation about sexism in order to say something ignorant and sexist.

    What they have in common is that to a one, they cause some pain. They cut, just a little. But there are thousands of them. They keep coming.

    Because that’s what it’s like.

    Whether reading it leaves you feeling a little ragged or not, this is a blog worth checking out. Especially if you’re a straight white guy.

    Like me.

    Please do not comment unless you accept the basic dignity, equality, and inherent worth of all people.

    Posted in Anti-Semitism, Class, poverty, labor, & related issues, Colonialism, crossposted on TADA, Disabled Rights & Issues, Fat, fat and more fat, Lesbian, Gay, Bi, Trans and Queer issues, Links, Race, racism and related issues, Whatever | 11 Comments